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The tobacco industry all over the world has been a monolith in terms of scope and coverage with regards to its consumers. Moreover, tobacco consumption has been among the major causes of death among individuals in recent years. The prevalence of smoking has triggered an epidemic brought about by the open sale of cigarettes to the public. It is this habit that triggered the surge of deaths caused by pulmonary illnesses and other conditions that could be described as cancerous in nature. Illnesses like bronchitis, emphysema, and lung cancer are among the major consequences of prolonged smoking among people.
It is a continuing issue in society. The prevalence of smoking and the recognition and awareness of its effects on the health of individuals remains to be a hot topic for discussion. Moreover, there is similarly a growing concern that the advertising that tobacco industries create and shows to the public espouses the habit of smoking. Not only that, it is similarly possible that the tobacco industry’s advertising activities helps in espousing smoking to the younger part of the population. With most of their consumers dying at a young age, the tobacco industry anchors almost completely upon new smokers going into the market before they reach eighteen years old. These young individuals have to be persuaded and influenced to take up smoking. This is scarcely a static market where players in the industry contend with one another to a collection of long-existing consumers. Undeniably, if the tobacco industry was doubling in its magnitude due to the number of new entries into the group was two times those dying or have given up smoking, this would be labeled as a growth industry. As it takes place, in the struggle involving the parties contending to youth in opposition to smoking and the tobacco industry, the former are carrying out unpretentious inroads and, at any rate today, to some extent more smokers are giving up the habit or passing away than are taking on smoking. This assumption leads us to the intention to look into the basic tools that the tobacco industries employ to encourage smoking as a habit. Specifically, the study will be taking a hand in the study of youth smoking and its relationship with the advertising done by the tobacco industries. For clarity and coherence of the discussions, the paper is going to be divided into several parts. At the end of the said discussions, the author will then provide a summary and conclusion of the findings established in the study.
Effects of Smoking
Smoking is characterized as the act of inhaling tobacco fumes from a pipe, cigar, or cigarette. It has been performed by people for centuries, together with early North-American natives. (Covey and Seidman, 1999) Europeans had initiated it into the Old World by the earlier part of the 16th century. It was recurrently practiced ever since then all over the world, with tobacco corporations coming up and packed up cigarettes soon accessible. Smokers had no acquaintance of cigarette smoke’s adverse effects to their wellbeing until 1964, the time when the surgeon general of the US Public Health Service stated that smoking was dangerous to a person’s health. Smoking influences an individual’s health in a lot of ways, possessing both instant and long-standing effects. It is a severe compulsion, brought about by the drug nicotine that once breathed in nicotine contacts the brain almost instantaneously. Smoking is a dangerous practice, because it brings about addiction, illness, and high-risk pregnancy, and smokers are supposed to do everything to give up the habit.
A lot of smokers maintain that smoking alleviates them of stress and calms them down and soothes them, even as in recent years it has been established that the only thing smoking does is endangering an individual’s life. There are a lot of dangerous components in cigarette tobacco. A number of the said ingredients are toxic and addictive. (Covey and Seidman, 1999) Cigarette smoke generates thousands of chemicals that are perilous to a smoker’s physical condition. The dangers of smoking bring about a lot of deadly illnesses and are supposed to encourage smokers to give up the habit. First, a main cause why user of cigarettes is supposed to quit smoking is that a lot of smokers are acquiring cancer, which eventually leads to their demise. This illness kills people if it is not discovered on time. Another rationale why smokers are supposed to quit smoking is because of heart disease and its effects. (Covey and Seidman, 1999) For instance, a lot individual undergo from heart failure, but even supposing they are aware about smoking and its hazards, they do not discontinue their habit until they grow to be in poor health. Regrettably, in a lot of instances, smokers are vulnerable to live with heart complications for the remainder of their lives. Lastly, another vital cause for people to stop smoking is the danger of acquiring emphysema. This is similarly a fatal illness that affects lungs and entire respiratory system. These numerous reasons are supposed to demonstrate to the smokers that this practice places their health in jeopardy, and brings about a lot of diseases that bring about death.
This study attempts to establish that the use of tobacco products among the youth is predominantly based on the advertisements played by the tobacco companies. In the study of Beltramini and Bridge (2001) it claimed that the advertising activities of tobacco products are “casually related” to the inception of smoking. It even goes further by stating that tobacco advertising are related to the addiction of young people to smoking cigarettes based on their capacity to acknowledge extensively advertised brands that are directly targeting the youth themselves. Seeing this, this study argues that advertising could have a major role in the onset of smoking among these young individuals. However, there are other causes and factors that could similarly bring about the habit of cigarette smoking. It is similarly important to present several other perceived causes of smoking among the younger population.
One of these includes the easy access to merchandise associated with tobacco, and even though fewer sellers vend tobacco to youngsters, youth still have easy access to these products (Johnston et al., 1999). Behavioral psychologists have created successful methods to control youth access to viable sources of cigarettes (Jason, Billows, Schnopp-Wyatt, & King, 1996). Even supposing commercial sources of cigarettes are controlled, it is likely for the young population to get hold of tobacco by means of social sources. Studies have revealed that youth who smoke cigarettes willingly offer cigarettes to their friends and acquaintances (Wolfson, Forster, Claxton, & Murray, 1997). Essentially, studies has recognized that a correlation involving the propensity of young people to smoke and the amount of their peers who do so reveals the range of the peer group by the youth under consideration and not “pressure” presented by the smoking friends or acquaintances. The individual teenager starts the development, surveying the assemblage of smoking friends, engrossed to them because of the reality that their use of tobacco products is a representation that has been popularized and glamorized by means of advertising. The causal course is the opposite of what is characteristically recommended by those who would put stock in the peer pressure impression
In addition, family members, who are considered smokers, like older brother or a younger sister and even guardians, are another major resource of tobacco for youth (Robinson, Klesges, & Zbikowski, 1998). Similarly, youth have been established to come up to strangers who are smokers to ask cigarettes from them (Ribsl, Norman, Howard-Pitney, & Kim, 1999). For the reason that a large quantity of children acquires tobacco from social sources, attempts and other activities concentrated on getting rid of retail sources of tobacco may possibly be crucial yet lacking to lessen smoking of cigarettes among youth.
Similarly, tobacco ownership prohibition may make it much more difficult for minors to acquire tobacco from their peers, as lesser minors may possibly be enthusiastic to endanger the possibly of being caught with tobacco products. Tobacco ownership prohibitions similarly make it simpler to decrease understated peer pressure when young people gather together at social events and openly smoke and persuade others to participate in this activity. As a result, it is likely that fining minors for ownership of tobacco products may possibly be an essential element in conjunction with enforcement of legislations to lessen merchant sales of cigarettes to minors so as to trim down teenage use (Jason, Pokorny, & Schoeny, 2003).
Undeniably, there are several billions of dollars annually of advertising and promotion (FTC, 2003) brings about a soaring level of acquaintance and awareness with tobacco brands on the side of the consuming public. An article in Business Week (2003) has anticipated that the equity such promotion has instituted for the Marlboro brand making it as the ninth most valuable brand in the global context. In addition, more or less as many 6-year-olds could recognize Joe Camel in his prime as could recognize Disney characters (Fischer et al., 1991). In the said period, the Joe Camel character presented a camel looking suave and cool by sporting a cigarette lodged in his mouth. The thing that is really bothering is the fact that the young population recognizes this character and is aware of what the said character is doing; enjoying the activities he is engaging in with a stick of Camel cigarette lighted.
Long-term studies have recognized a sequence where awareness with or even fondness for cigarette advertising does allow adolescents on engaging to smoking (Biener and Siegel, 2000). Similarly, the wider marketing literature has recognized that augmented fondness for the commercial ad is connected to augmented fondness for the brand and for the product category (Kelly, Slater, and Karan, 2002). This study acknowledged how successful image advertising for cigarettes and other sin products like beer boosts fondness for the whole product category and not merely the specific brand of cigarettes promoted and advertised. The sad thing is that advertisers’ intention on this aspect is not merely to entertain. Advertisers intend to acquire an extensive familiarity with the brands in order to develop and expand the market and to boost market share.
However, the direct advertisement of cigarettes is not the sole means of presenting and initiating smoking towards the younger generation. Movies and television shows similarly have been used as a medium of tobacco companies to present their merchandise. Paid placement of tobacco products in films has traditionally been an essential component of the tobacco industry’s marketing policies (Mekemson and Glantz, 2002). Throughout the 90s the frequency of smoking depicted in American films augmented sharply corresponding to the two preceding decades (Stockwell and Glantz, 1997). Throughout the most recent decade, one tobacco or any tobacco product was employed approximately in every three to five minutes in the films sampled as measured up with once in every ten to fifteen minutes in the 70s and 80s (Stockwell and Glantz, 1997). The amount of young adults smoking in films increased more than twofold (Hazan, Lipton, and Glantz, 1994). The depiction of cigarettes and smoking has usually been encouraging in nature (Stockwell and Glantz, 1997). However, a recent research that looked into the highest grossing PG-13 films before the 1998 settlement (1996, 1997) and the a couple of years following (1999, 2000) discovered that the standard number of time tobacco products were engaged on the screen augmented by 50% (Ng and Dakake, 2002).
A manner in which films can manipulate the smoking activities of youths is by the procedure identified as social modeling. This is the watching and emulation of attitudes of other individuals that they apparently admire or look up to (Bandura and Waiters, 1959). Therefore, for instance, adolescents whose preferred film stars smoke on or off the silver screen are more probable to have smoked than those whose favorite film celebrities do not smoke. Among adolescents who have by no means smoked, those whose much loved film celebrities do smoke are more vulnerable to start smoking proportionate to those whose favorite celebrities do not smoke (Distefan, Gilpin, Sargent, and Pierce, 2004).
In addition, a study by Pechmann and Shih (1999) recognized the causal consequences of contact to the incidence of smoking in films on youths’ intention to smoke in addition to their insights of a smoker’s social standing. In one research, acquiring a film sated with cigarette smoking scenes, a professional editor was employed to generate a version of the motion picture without the scenes showing acts of smoking. Nonsmoking ninth graders were then exposed either the adaptation of the film with or without the smoking scenes. Those who watched the film with the smoking scenes were more expected to point out that they planned to smoke and more expected to look upon those who smoke as more intelligent, more successful, healthier, and sporty (Pechmann and Shih, 1999).
Another aspect that appears to have been associated with teenage smoking includes depression and the level of self esteem of the said population. The study of Cole, Hurford, Smith, and Vogel (2003) established that there are a considerable number of relationships involving depression and the smoking among teenagers. The said study employed the MDI to measure the level of depression of the respondents. According to the study, young individuals have a high propensity to smoke if have reveal high levels of “instrumental helplessness and social introversion.” These said aspects of depression are considered by the study as among the most alienating aspects of depression. This means that young people that feel detached to society may well be on the express lane to the habit of smoking. Apparently, the said aspects of depression could reflect the person’s incapability of feeling a sense of connection with the people around him/her, including his/her family. This is compounded with the inability of the said person to get away from this state of depression.
The said study similarly claimed that the adolescents that have commenced in their smoking habits would be unconcerned with regards to seeking help for their depressed state. (Cole, Hurford, Smith, and Vogel, 2003) This could be damaging considering that their emotional state requires a lot of support to get them away from the said condition. The experiences that bring about a sense of inadequate assistance and understanding from other people probably leave adolescents feeling defenseless and secluded. The activity characterized by smoking as a way of acquiring social acceptance or to self-rehabilitate depressive sentiments among the adolescents.
In addition, several demographic variables were connected with adolescent smoking and depression as stated in the study of Cole, Hurford, Smith, and Vogel (2003). In their study, the respondents were more likely to smoke if their parents or guardians smoked or if they were grown-up. They were similarly more likely to articulate the intent to smoke potentially if their parents indeed used tobacco products, if they lived with a guardian, or if they were old enough. Possessing parents who used tobacco products was similarly connected with smoking for a considerable number of years. Higher depression marks were connected with lower marks and parents who used tobacco products. Parental smoking is tremendously powerful in shaping the probability of smoking in adolescents, while genetics may possibly have a say to this connection, modeling most possibly functions a great part in the association involving parental and adolescent smoking.
The said study shows that the family setting has a similarly great influence in the possibility of an individual to smoke. This is further backed up by the study of Borowsky, Ireland, and Scal (2003). They claimed that parent-family connectedness develops the possibility of the adolescents maturing free from smoking or any use of tobacco products. The sense of being close to, appreciated, loved and content with the relationship involving an adolescent and his or her parents is defensive and shielding with regards to the possibility of smoking in term of the gender and developmental stage among the respondents.
The said authors similarly employed the academic achievement as an indicator of smoking among the youth. Academic achievement was similarly strongly protective in opposition to transitioning to present smoking among all study groups. The study employed a self-reported grade point average to measure this variable. This means that a child who is doing well in school may well be free from any probability of smoking or using any other tobacco based products. This finding may reveal that education and awareness among the youth could present a great assistance with regards to providing information with reference to the dangerous consequences of smoking to one’s health.
Another protective factor that is present in the same study revealed that emotional well-being as a powerful variable among the respondents. The findings of the study revealed that the female respondents showed that this was a much greater protective factor to them as compared to the male respondents. This shows how females regard emotional elements as among the more important and more dependable wall to fall back on with regards to the temptation of smoking. The male respondents, on the other hand, could have established that they are more likely to be influenced into taking on the habit of smoking considering the appeal to their emotional well-being ranks less than other aspects, like being ”cool.”
The study of Borowsky et al. (2003) shows that even regardless of numerous risk factors for changing to smoking, specific elements can radically decrease and trim down the probability of growing to be a smoker. Even among the young individuals of society without recognized risk factors, the protective components additionally lessen the possibility for smoking. Smoking prevention schemes have conventionally embattled smoking-particular attitudes, beliefs and refusal skills. Browsky et al (2003) labeled these as proximal factors. Their investigation bears the impression that encouraging healthy adolescent maturity by improving components in opposition to smoking instigation, particularly in the areas of family and school setting, lessens the possibilities of becoming caught up in health risk attitudes like the use of tobacco products.
Use of Advertising to Discourage Smoking
When teenagers are asked why they smoke, the most commonly reported reasons were “curiosity, social norms, and offers/pressures, while for current smoking, the main reasons were pleasure/affect, addiction/habit, and desire.” (Dinh, 1992) In the said study, the order of the said reasons is based on the ranking on which the responses were given. Thus, it means that the top reason for teenagers to smoke was due to curiosity, followed by social norms. The problem with the study is that these are actual reason why kids start smoking. It did not establish why the respondents are currently smoking. However, given that curiosity turned out to the top reason, the advertising that the tobacco companies show all over the world to present and market their merchandise could still be among the factors that triggered that curiosity. Thus, the argument presented earlier in this study still holds.
Moreover, individual and social components, like curiosity, social norms, were regularly reported as causes for beginning use of tobacco, while physiological or affective grounds were more regularly accounted for current use of tobacco, such as pleasure/reduction of negative affect, and addiction/habit. (Dinh, 1992) Furthermore, a quantity of gender distinctions was established in the same study. As a cause for present smoking, more girls than boys indicated pleasure/affect, and for starting smoking, girls accounted both social norms and offers/pressure as grounds for starting to smoke more commonly than did the boy respondents. (Dinh, 1992) The grounds accounted for starting to smoke were connected with the persons’ succeeding smoking experience. Elements in the said study like social norms, desire, and pleasure/affect were accounted as grounds for starting to smoke tobacco products more often among continuers than non-continuers, and curiosity less regularly. These grounds for beginning tobacco utilization may possibly be construed as risk factors for consequently growing to be regular tobacco smokers. Moreover, the similar study presented among current smokers, the intensity of smoking was positively associated the stated employment of tobacco because of elements likes addiction/habit and pleasure/affect. Insights with regards to the capability to give up were negatively connected addiction/habit as a reason for utilization. Adolescents’ grounds for smoking change as a purpose of their smoking accounts. Students who had simply tried out tobacco (non-continuers) accounted more regularly curiosity and offers/pressure as grounds for commencing to use cigarettes than students who had experimented with tobacco and developed to weekly or more recurrent employment (continuers). Although curiosity and offers/pressure were frequent grounds indicated for the start of employing tobacco, they did not seem to be significant risk factors the moment regular use was taken on by adolescent smokers.
In the study of Luna and Peracchio (1998), they looked at the attempts ti similarly use advertisement to provide information with regards to the harmful effects of smoking. The ad campaign concentrates on conveying the long-standing health consequences of smoking in a real manner by generating correspondences involving the consequences of smoking and things with which kids could relate to, like insecticide and vehicle exhaust. The intention of the said ad campaign is to offer both possible smokers and nonsmokers with germane and evocative representations and meaning with reference to the long-standing consequences of smoking tobacco products.
With regards to the findings of the said study, it revealed a number of the attitudinal distinctions involving adolescent smokers and nonsmokers. The findings point out that adolescent smokers do not have tangible internal images of the unconstructive health consequences of smoking, but nonsmokers do appear to have such images. (Luna and Peracchio, 1998) If efforts to convey the lasting unconstructive and depressing health consequences of smoking are to sway possible prospective smokers, they have to represent those consequences in a manner to which young individuals could really associate.
Involvements pointed at adolescent smoking, in that case, is supposed to vigilantly appraise primary behavioral, normative, and control attitudes acquired by the target group and then advance with educational movements exclusively intended to considerably vary these convictions and the positions, standards, and apparent controls they generate. Specifically, instead of depending on customary methods anchoring on the negative effects of smoking, future studies is supposed to concentrate on how antismoking interventions might have an effect on individual outlooks with reference to one’s personal smoking, the manner in which one appraises the suggestions of significant others on the subject of one’s smoking, and one’s attitude with reference to the capability to control one’s smoking. This importance on positive reinforcement and developmental orientation gives confidence to customers to integrate longer-term and wider concerns of self-concept, family orientation, social concern, risk acquisition, and various added variables in appraising the efficiency of intervention schemes. Undeniably, attempting to resolve causality in preceding studies noted earlier, the viscous circle of growth, evaluation, execution, and amendment of antismoking educational involvements continues to become demanding.
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